God governs in the affairs of men

Mr. President, the small progress we have made after four or five weeks close attendance and continual reasonings with each other--our different sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing as many noes as ayes, is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government and examined the different forms of those Republics which having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution now no longer exist. And we have viewed modern states all around Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.

In this situation of this Assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate understanding? In the beginning contest with Great Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayer in this room for the Divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were heard, and they were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind of Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful friend? Or do we imagine that we no longer need His assistance?

I have lived, sir, a long time. And the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth--that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid? We have been assured, sir, in the Sacred writing that, "except the Lord build the House, they labour in vain that build it."

I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without His concurring aid we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial local interest, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and bye word down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing governments by human wisdom and leave it to chance, war and conquest.

I, therefore, beg leave to move that henceforth prayers employing the assistance of heaven and its blessing on our deliberations be held in the Assembly every morning before we proceed to business, and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate at that service.



Benjamin Franklin, Journal of the Constitutional Convention ed. E.H.Scott (Chicago: Albert, Scott & Company, 1893) p.259-260 as quoted in One Nation Under God: The History of Prayer in America by James P. Moore, Jr. Doubleday, 2005. p.68, 69

With George Washington chairing the proceedings as president of the [Constitutional] Convention from late May to the middle of September 1789… it had become clear that many delegates had arrived with their own agendas. Debates and backroom maneuvering were providing fertile ground for a variety of ideas, as well as launching future careers. As tempers frayed after a few weeks of deliberations, the eighty-three-year-old Benjamin Franklin, a veteran of the two continental congresses, decided to intervene. Not only did he recall how prayer had become such a catalyst during the war against Great Britain, but he even harkened back to 1747 when he strongly advocated public prayer and fasting when the colonists of Pennsylvania were facing Indian wars…. Franklin took to the floor out of frustration and addressed the delegates on the importance of their turning to prayer.